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Consumer confidence

The other night, I was doing my weekly grocery shopping when I beheld an incredible scene. (I shop at a remote suburban store, as I told my therapist, because the vibes at the one in the city are “demonic.”) I walked through the sliding doors at roughly the same time as a family of four – mom, dad, and two girls, both in the 6-10 age range – and I got a rare chance to observe the full life cycle of an American nuclear family errand in the wild. What I saw astonished me. Mom was worked up, muttering (to herself, no one was listening) about what items they needed and darting around the produce section like a stressed aquarium fish to grab them. The two girls were wantonly misbehaving, screaming at each other, obstructing the aisles with the family shopping cart, bumping into strangers, knocking lemons and limes off their stacked pyramidal displays. And dad, ugly and inert as a barnacle, just stood there, motionless, scrolling on his phone. Occasionally he would glance up and, noting that the epicenter of the family earthquake had moved, take a few halfhearted steps in the general direction of the action. At one point, mom was several aisles away retrieving coffee (why hubby could not bag the broccoli while she got the coffee remains unresolved), and one of the girls rocked the shopping cart so riotously that she would have launched herself headfirst out of it and onto the hard floor had not big sis not reflexively rescued her at the last minute, setting the cart aright. As this went down, dad, still on his phone, looked up and inclined forward, in a way I recognized. It’s what I used to do during team sports in middle school whenever the ball came anywhere near me, an uneasy gesture at the intent to participate, but not actual movement. It ensures that somebody else will get there to deal with it first.

I beamed this man a continuous dirty look as I bagged my onions and selected my bananas. And the thing is, he actually already looked embarrassed, a flush of humiliation glowing from behind the expression he was trying just a little bit too hard to keep neutral. I recognize that look too, it’s the look of someone who feels awkward standing uselessly amid a lot of activity that they don’t understand how to correctly participate in. So while I felt contempt first and mostly for dad, I felt some also for mom. I’m allowed to say this because of my Lived Experience: straight women do get some kind of really weird jouissance from the overfunctioning they’re forced to do in straight relationships. (I’ll refer you to the infuriating recent article in The Cut about women “quiet quitting” their marriages, psychologically damaging their children by claiming to stay “for them” because they’re too weak, scared, comfortable, or crucially, subconsciously pleased to let go.) There were two interlocking and complementary gender scripts playing out in public (the eternal heterosexual kink, of playing out your psychodrama in public). Mom knows what to do and Dad doesn’t, and they both sort of hate and resent each other for it, but this is the unhappy equilibrium that they can evidently both live with.

Based on the behavior of men that I witness in real life, there is something deeply pathological going on with them at an emotional level. I think there is also a parallel disturbance in the collective psyches of  straight women. This is why the male loneliness epidemic article in the New Yorker by Jessica Winter hit like a Camel menthol and Japanese jazz – gratifying to read on a molecular level. Winter deconstructs the “loneliness epidemic” “crisis of masculinity” hysteria by closely examining some of the writings and podcast remarks of centrist male loneliness pundits, full-timers like Scott Galloway and moonlighters like Rahm Emanuel and Gavin Newsom. First, she surfaces some of the assumptions implicit in these commentators’ takes on the “crisis,” namely, that women actually are just kind of inferior, but not in a misogynist way or anything like that. In response to a Rahm Emanuel op-ed in which he’s lamenting the unaffordability of housing for young men (but don’t worry, the party’s future “is not Mamdani’s New York”), she writes: “In other words, men and women pay the same bill, but we are obligated to understand that the social and spiritual price it extracts from men is higher.” And a little bit later: “What these pundits are nudging us to do, ever so politely, is accept that women, in the main, are accustomed to being a little degraded, a little underpaid and ignored and dampened in their ambitions, in ways that men are not and never will be.” 

Reading sentences like this feels like inhaling crack cocaine. (I think.) It feels absolutely electric for somebody to just fucking say it, to pithily give voice to what we already know, that the centrist Dem’s belated and lukewarm attempt to embrace male crisis discourse amounts to so much special pleading for boys. Winter is astute; they do this because they fear socialism (or even just the whiff of popular, progressive politics) much more than they care affirmatively about anything at all. It’s special pleading because they want to design a rhetorical strategy to confront the men’s grievances in the vernacular of gender roles rather than macroeconomic realities. In other words, like the dad inclining his head forward as his daughters nearly self-destruct, they want to be seen as making a plausible effort to address men’s grievances without addressing the real causes of those grievances in the slightest. Winter musters a lot of statistics that get heavy play in male crisis discourse and shows that they actually are affecting girls and women, too – it’s an “everything crisis” (not a masculinity crisis) that affects “young people,” not just young men.

#83
December 1, 2025
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Dog and pony

It was only a matter of time, really, before “a team” (two guys) of “AI experts” (surgeons who have alchemized AI stock hysteria into obscure assistant deanships) descended on my workplace with a “mandate” (that no one asked for) to shove some dogshit LLM tools into various aspects of my job. At least, that’s what it was at first, because these palookas don’t even know enough about what they’re doing to lie about it. When it became clear that I don’t need an LLM to “assist” me with any step of my work process, because I know how to do my job, the rationale shifted. Now, the dogshit LLM tools are supposed to “help” (deskill) my clients, and ensure they never learn how to do the stuff that I know how to do. In one of the meetings we’ve had about this, a third “expert” – a self-styled guru on AI ethics – actually suggested that all of my work interactions be filmed in order to train a model to replace me. (Excuse me, to assist the clients who are currently using ChatGPT, or whatever justification for their own existence they’ve cooked up this week.) Really! It’s so offensively stupid that they should be ashamed, but in the end it doesn’t matter how they feel, because the tools are not going to work. I mean, they might succeed in deskilling all clinical trainees and in laying me off, replacing me with a wrong-answers chatbot, but that’s all they will have done. And even though they don’t understand this, they will be worse off for it.

It really is irresistibly easy to make fun of these guys, for the same reasons we all love to hate confidently stupid people. Pride goeth before the inevitable stock market crash. It remains, however, important not to overpsychologize these folks. They are the most “they know not what they do” people in history, besides maybe the original ones. They have, to an unclear degree of conscious involvement, been conscripted into the national project of buoying obscenely overvalued tech stocks, because as soon as that stops happening, line goes down, and we all know what happens after that. The arguments against American AI are all right and still apply: the technology simply can’t and won’t ever be able to do what it is being marketed for; it’s deskilling the workforce which is something that, were it not run by senile boomers, I might caution an institution of higher learning about participating in; it’s insanely wasteful and unethical to use when a regular piece of computer software, a handheld calculator, or a human brain can do the same thing without slurping up half the world’s remaining fresh water. Tech critics have been making these and other arguments – let’s call them moral critiques – for years, and yet, the power of the tech sector has only grown over those years. And now we’re in really deep shit. Bad omens accumulate. Dead frogs keep piling up on the banks of the river that powers the data center. OpenAI sort of let it slip recently that they plan to ask for a bailout when the bubble bursts. Just yesterday Nvidia reassured Wall Street analysts that it is “not Enron.” 

This is, to ask any of the people at my workplace whose job it is to follow this stuff, probably fine! Right? It’s charitable to assume they even know about it – it’s simply not like any of these guys read the news, or understand themselves as part of a dynamic society. A timeless question thus arises again, like a perennial flower: if this is so obviously a bad idea, and so obviously unsustainable and destructive, then why is it still happening? What are the reasons for this that don’t route through the ablated psychologies of our nation’s boomer middle managers? Yesterday morning I saw a tweet from CNBC anchor Carl Quintanilla (welcome to the resistance?) citing a Goldman Sachs report partially attributing the astronomical youth unemployment rate among college graduates (8.5%!!) to AI, which noted that “a further deterioration in employment opportunities… could have a disproportionate impact on consumer spending.” Each of my chakras switched on, like the lights on a pinball machine, from root to crown. I am levitating six inches off the ground and smiling with the serenity of divine wisdom when I tell you that this is what I was writing about over the last few days as I worked on this very issue of the newsletter. The scenario that Goldman describes in the report is what David Harvey calls the “contradiction between production and realization.” 

Here’s what that looks like. Employers want to appropriate as much surplus value as possible, so they do things like lengthen the working day and depress wages. This is Volume 1 stuff. Crucially, though, the commodities workers make also need to be sold and bought to “realize” the surplus value solidified in them through the labor process. If workers don’t have any time to buy things because they’re always working, or if they don’t make enough money to afford to buy things, then a huge part of the surplus value involved in the commodity circuit can’t be realized. This is Volume 2 stuff, one of many contradictions that capitalism, to use a favorite Marxist word, “internalizes.” If we think about the labor theory of value regarding these AI innovations, this contradiction takes on an obvious, and obviously self-annihilating, appearance. AI has very little labor content; it uses instead a lot of water and coal. It functions as a “good enough” replacement for human skills and labor in a variety of industries, but it degrades the real productive economy in the process. AI might help institutions meet short-term goals of downsizing and layoffs, but in the slightly longer term, by sapping them of the thing that creates value – labor – AI sort of vitiates these firms, rendering their products and services valueless. 

#82
November 26, 2025
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The affiliate marketing HHS

I’m bumping what I had planned to work on today, a bit of critical reflection on AI, in order to write this up instead while everyone is reacting to the CDC’s addition of a web page promoting long-debunked “information” about vaccines and autism. What follows isn’t going to be as thorough as the big thing that I have coming about MAHA, but it picks up on one strand of an argument I develop in that piece.

The new CDC website in question is here. The “key points” as they appear on the page now are as follows:

  • The claim “vaccines do not cause autism” is not an evidence-based claim because studies have not ruled out the possibility that infant vaccines cause autism.

  • Studies supporting a link have been ignored by health authorities.

  • HHS has launched a comprehensive assessment of the causes of autism, including investigations on plausible biologic mechanisms and potential causal links.

It has me feeling a bit like Bruno Latour in “Why has critique run out of steam?” Yes, be critical about how evidence is established, but no, not like that! Wellness grifters, Covid contrarians, and regulation slashers are very skilled at using the language of scientific process and evidence to nefarious ends. It works, because one has to be fairly literate, in the sense of understanding the technical nuances of that scientific process, to immediately get why something like the above text is so infuriating and bad-faith. This literacy is what I think some scicomm people believe they are imparting. A sample of some of the Bluesky Discourse about the addition of the web page: the CDC is “disseminating disinformation” (Yaver), “now directed to push disinformation” (Cruickshank), engaged in a “stunt” to “spread vaccine/autism disinformation” (Alt CDC) or, if you prefer, a “disinformation escalation” (Offir). The accompanying tone of moral outrage is also exactly what you’d predict. It’s “difficult to overstate just how dangerous this is” (Yaver), not that anyone will refrain from trying. The “vile dribble of a webpage update needs to be removed” (Alt CDC), it’s “intentionally weaponized eugenicist rhetoric that will kill people” (Tran), it’s “an incredibly sad and devastating place for our country to be” (Jetelina). 

#81
November 20, 2025
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Permission to lib out

I hadn’t planned on writing anything. I had a really busy October, I have been traveling, and yesterday and today I’m a bit thrown by a pesky head cold. But in light of said cold, and the fact that I’m takin’ it easy at work today, and the caffeine in the several pots of tea I’ve drunk so far, and Last Night’s Events, I figured now is as good a time as any to put down some of my scattered thoughts about the political moment. In short: it was a better night than I had anticipated. I did vote yesterday, to retain the PA Supreme Court judges, mostly because I’ve been getting annoying mailers telling me to vote the opposite way because of woke or some shit like that. I guessed that it was likely to be a low-turnout election, and therefore the rare off-year election that could matter. All the judges were retained. Zohran won, of course, as well as various Dem candidates and progressive ballot measures in several states. Permission to lib out has been granted in all corners, but at the risk of sounding glib, I want to interrogate just why permission to lib out is something we feel like we need.

Our years in the political wilderness have turned us idiotic. Take, for example, the asinine discoursing around the recent No Kings protests. My own community of Perfect Leftists, politics as uncontaminated by contact with reality as the interior of a chicken egg, ridiculed the protests as an always-already-aborted failed revolutionary moment. Which, I mean, it so clearly wasn’t. In actuality, in my opinion, the massive mobilizations were something like a union organizing “stress test.” If people were willing to show up to a rally – actually get out of the house, make a sign, find parking, and go to a march – what else might they be willing to do? But to see these protests as an opportunity for the left rather than a lib-cringe eye roll demands something of us that feels too expensive in the meager emotional environment we’ve all come up in: hope. Sincere optimism of the will. Belief that better things are possible and attainable.   

Hope is in short supply. We forget that it’s not just the right wing and Facebook boomers, that we too are inundated with slop and rotting our brains out with mindless consumption of memes. When you’re getting the majority or the entirety of your news from social media (which most of us are), you’re consuming an algorithmically curated feed of pictures with captions. You are not, to put it mildly, being invited to think. The Trump people are running his second administration like a reality show, and you, yes you, are falling for it. You’re not seeing all the defeats he’s being dealt because the producers of that show don’t want you to see them. And the result is that you’re feeling exactly how they want you to feel: depressed, defeated, fatalistic, and without hope; left-melancholic, in Benjamin’s terms (“precisely the attitude to which there is no longer in general any corresponding political action”). We’re serving the illusion of their power with our self-indulgent internecine competition to be teacher’s pet in Hell. This melancholy excuses us from having to actually think about the world as it actually is, something the platforms are all too eager to encourage.  

I don’t want anybody to miss the strong current of self-criticism here. I have been extremely wrong in how I personally have approached politics for the last ten years. Maybe that was fine in 2016 and 2017, when Trump was still fairly constrained by institutional and bureaucratic power, norms of governance, and even a Republican party that hadn’t been completely captured by his own people, but it sure feels foolish now. It’s important to own that feeling of foolishness, the real failures there, and my own sanctimonious leftier-than-thou refusal to engage the world on its own terms – what was it that leftist neckbeard dudebro said about not making history as we please? And speaking of those institutions and norms, another reliable source of eye-rolls, I want to mention something that has been little remarked-upon. The second Trump administration has been demolishing those institutions and norms as quickly and carelessly as the East Wing. That’s part of what makes the administration so scary, and it’s also part of what is causing the administration, and the party that is completely in thrall to Trump, to destroy themselves from within. There’s a sense, if we can squint at it right, that the Republican party has destroyed a lot of the norms and institutions that leftists wanted to overhaul through years of protracted and laborious reform struggle, and are destroying themselves in the process. (Seriously, Trump is going to die one day, and where do they go after that? Absolutely one hundred percent of the already small number of serious people are gone. Marjorie Taylor Green’s rebrand might be cynical, but it’s smart, she has a finger in the wind and can feel the massive and fractious backlash that is coming.) We again, if we can be smart, and flexible, and tuned in to what is rather than clinging to our wounded sense of what ought to be in a perfect world, might see an opportunity here, to rebuild from scratch what has been broken. Given the choice, wouldn’t we want to have “nothing changes and things get worse” as the worst-case, rather than the best-case scenario? 

#80
November 5, 2025
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That ditch out in the Valley that they're diggin' just for me

Since I am a fool, I’ve been in the market to buy a house for a little while now. It’s simply not a good time to be doing so. My gripes with the Pittsburgh-area housing market are endless and specific, and tempered only by a vague understanding that it’s even worse in other cities. I simply refuse to believe that anybody would buy an aluminum-siding rowhouse in Bloomfield, carpets grubby with tobacco resin, for half a million or more. And yet, miracles do happen, new fools are born every day. I toured one place in a beautiful neighborhood that looked passable in the listing but in reality was drooping and cracking in unacceptable places, smelling like cigarettes and mold. In the basement, there was a spot of still-wet, freshly poured concrete on the floor, and a door to the backyard was, ominously and for no reason, left open, like a hastily-abandoned crime scene. As my friend’s Russian father sagely warns about sojourning in the real estate game: “Picture always look good.” 

At least I’m not the only one with real estate woes. Jax Taylor (Cauchi) and Brittany Cartwright are getting divorced, very messily and publicly on the reality show they anchor, The Valley. A principal object of contention, more so than their 4-year-old son Cruz1, is the $1.9 million house in Valley Village the couple purchased in 2019. The Valley Village house is fairly typical insofar as it is not actually wildly expensive for the neighborhood and the square footage and honestly not that nice. It’s blocky and black-and-white, with a corrugated aspect that aspires simultaneously “modern” and “traditional,” as any House Hunters head can plainly see. It’s the kind of place that would have those Chip and Joanna-ass sliding barn doors, if it had any interior doors. The space inside is, instead, loosely divided into two open concepts. There’s no way to describe the style of the  interior other than “California fugly” (excuse me, “modern farmhouse”). There’s cheap laminate floor in a blond shade that faintly recalls Scandinavian wood. The walls, and indeed the entire color scheme, are white and gray. There is shiplap (white). There is herringbone tile (gray). The gigantic television in the living room area is tessellated into a confusing pattern of irregular square and rectangular shelves intended to evoke bookshelves but meant to hold only pictures and tchotchkes – there is only one book in the Cauchi house, whose spine reads simply “LOUIS VUITTON.” There is a massive sectional couch encumbered by heavy pillows which have to be tossed over the back (according to Brittany) in order to sit down; Costco-sized white and gray with an occasional commemorative one (“Mr. & Mrs., est. 2019”) in the mix. The front of the house, rarely photographed, is an untouched liminal space. I think maybe there’s a dining room table in there. Various placards made of garish fake wood welcome you to the “Cauchi homestead” (abandon all hope, ye who enter here… ) but the true décor of the house is Amazon boxes. 

A few years ago I took a cursed family trip to California. We stayed in an Airbnb in the Valley in what turned out to be a learning experience for me. The abundance of sunshine in California makes a bubbled white paint-and-laminate shanty look passable in photographs even when it’s chintzy, and cheap in real life. In Pittsburgh, it takes creative subterfuge to make an ugly house photograph well; strategic placement of warm incandescent lights and inviting clutter, plants best of all, is a good strategy. Frederic Jameson writes that the postmodern “appetite” for architecture is really the appetite for photography, and that’s certainly what Jax and Brittany’s house is made for, photography and its grotesque, hyperreal cousin, reality TV. The big open TV/kitchen space can accommodate cast and production crews; we know Brittany’s not making her Mamaw’s infamous beer cheese in there, but she can stage the types of day-drinking bacchanals that the production teams set up to provoke filmable conflict. The space is also a perfect anonymous backdrop for “content creation.” During the pandemic, Brittany fought her way up through the DIFF Eyewear trenches (harder than she fought on Special Forces) and into paid partnerships with real brands like Jenny Craig, who partnered with her to chronicle her postpartum weight loss journey. This is interesting, because said weight loss journey was at once a focal point of Jax’s emotional abuse and what enabled her to become the family breadwinner. Both Brittany and Jax have openly acknowledged this role reversal as a major contributing factor to the end of their relationship.

A recent book by an economics professor named Corinne Low (Having It All: What data tells us about women’s lives and getting the most out of yours) puts a Freakonomics-style spin on the political economy of marriage. I’m ignorant of most of the book’s contents and not that interested; I mention this just to say that even the economists have realized that the social role and sign value of marriage no longer correspond even remotely to the structure of emotional, legal, and financial commitments it entails. Everyone is subject to these forces of dissolution, isolation, and “male loneliness,” but their effects are extremely amped up with Jax and Brittany because they are reality stars, and because Jax is horribly, cartoonishly evil and unredeemable – his performative stint in “the facility” for coke addiction and rage issues on the latest season of The Valley being one of the least damning things we’ve seen him do in his reality TV career. I’ve been rewatching Season 6 of Vanderpump Rules (I basically continuously watch Vanderpump Rules chronologically in a continuous loop, starting it over whenever I finish) – the one that starts with the shocking revelation that Jax cheated on Brittany with a coworker and friend, in front of the hospice patient (?) said friend was taking care of, and ends with Jax’s proposal at Neptune’s Net and Brittany’s triumphant acceptance of her reward for years of suffering and humiliation in the role of Jax’s Serious Girlfriend. A less determined woman would have left him, but Brittany held out, and we know it wasn’t only for love; she needed him to get certain things – a role on the show, a job at SUR, partnership deals, the ring, the wedding at the Kentucky Castle, the house, the son. Now, she doesn’t need any of it anymore, least of all his abysmal treatment of her. And it’s all playing out in their house (on film) and through their house (which is in a complicated tax lien situation due to Jax’s petulant nonpayment of the mortgage). 

#79
October 6, 2025
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BFFR

I have to be off of social media for extended periods of time for various reasons of mental and emotional hygiene. Everything on the internet, as they say, is designed to upset you. Bluesky is the worst of all. I’m sorry. I guess it’s better than Twitter in some important respects, especially recently, but Twitter at least used to be fun. Bluesky is just a really efficient machine for inducing psychosis and suicidality. Thinkpieces have been written about how rancid the vibes on Bluesky are, how humorless and literal-minded the posters, how grating and unrelenting the discourse. A huge part of this that hasn’t received as much attention, as far as I have seen anyway (admittedly not far), is the absolutely degraded form of pseudo-political doomposting that dominates the platform and what its popularity might mean. Like it or not, a lot of people spend a lot of time online. It may be finally time for a serious reckoning with the phenomenon of Posting. 

Authoritarian creep is tending to blur the distinctions between leftists (who learned the politics from posting) and liberals (who learned their politics from MSNBC and posting). There’s also a real equivalence emerging at the level of discursive form if not necessarily content. It’s impossible not to notice (by “notice” I mean register instantly as crushing depression) that, at the level of posting, which is to say the way that most people “engage politically,” libs and the left are doing the exact same maneuver, regardless of what specifically they’re talking about. The maneuver is to identify something emblematic of a contradiction in capitalism, to point at it and to go “Look! There’s a contradiction here! And it’s Morally Bad!” Which, you know, it is. And I think I understand why this tendentious exercise has basically replaced the practice of critique. It’s because of posting, the “success” of which depends on provoking extreme emotional reactions. The platforms all do and exploit this in one way or another. You can tell yourself you’re doing it more leftistly, I guess, or in service of some greater goal. But if you’re creating content at all, if you’re posting at all,  you’re playing the game, and that’s all.

The stakes of the game are dopaminergic and emotional. The game drives the formation of political opinions and ideas, hence the devolution of sensible critique into reflexive lizard-brain moralizing and take-farming. Frederic Jameson called this kind of approach (offhandedly) the “wages of sin.” Writing of postmodernism (as he so often did, amirite?), he said that conceptualizing the phenomenon of postmodernism in terms of moral judgments is a category error – that is, if we are trying to think of postmodernism as a historical phenomenon, which is to say dialectically, and not as the appearance of evil in our day. It brings me no pleasure to say this, but I think the left in America today is too integrated into the circuits of emotional valorization to move away from this voluntarily. As far as I’m aware, the CIA doesn’t sponsor critical theory conferences anymore, and so entire livelihoods are sustained by rehearsing the appalling moral badness of the contradictions confronting us today, for audiences (not for peers, comrades, or organizations). These audiences ask nothing of critique but to be validated in their emotions, presuppositions, and resentments. Intellectual culture is so degraded that people engage Marxism as content and consume leftist podcasts and short-form videos explaining progressive ideas as therapeutic “comfort” material, no different than a season of The Office. Except the comfort is in feeling bad, not good; since no other game with no other stakes is conceivable in the leftist imagination, saturated as it is with sponcon and fearful as it is of ritual group denunciation and tattling, it is possible to construe subjecting yourself to moral condemnation of upsetting news as ascetic revolutionary sensibility. 

But the actual point of critique, I still insist, is not to correctly identify how horrible the contradictions are and wallow in moral righteousness like a pig in shit. The point is to identify the productive, or potentially productive, aspects of the contradictions within the present situation as well as the destructive ones. This is the only point from which an intellectual project capable of informing a real praxis of mass politics can possibly proceed. We are stuck, in other words, because we are materially and emotionally (one and the same online) committed to a dead-end, undialectical analysis. To quote liberally from Jameson: 

#78
October 1, 2025
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Forgive us our debts

Forgive us our debts

“Now watch this drive.” - George W. Bush, 2002

I was in eighth grade on the actual 9/11. I was in school that morning. We started watching it on TV as soon as it happened, and we watched TV all day long. (My parents are not the kind to pick me up from school early, 9/11 or no 9/11.) We kept watching TV at home. We ate dinner – watery spaghetti with the last mealy few of the August tomatoes – in front of the TV, the only time I can remember doing that before or since. Sometime that evening, I started clocking the same clips from Manhattan re-running back to back on a ten-minute loop. I knew they were important images, but truthfully, they were no more alarming than any blockbuster preview. They were moving, but silent, without any diegetic noise; just the cable hosts’ repetitive vamping.

Sometimes, when I feel like putting myself on a really bad trip, I watch videos on a YouTube channel called “EnhancedWTCVideos.” The 9/11 captured in these videos is different than the “real” 9/11 as I remember it actually happening (on TV). “Content” is an anachronistic term – the fruits of the dot-com harvest cycle would have to ripen and rot for content to cohere as the form that we recognize today – but with 25 years of hindsight and brain-corrupting internet addiction, I can definitely recognize the real 9/11 as high-production-value content. The videos on EnhancedWTCVideos, on the other hand, have a Warhol-like fixity and steadiness, an attention span that feels endless today. Twelve minutes of smoke pouring from the flaming gash in the North Tower, randomly zooming in and out on a shaky handheld camcorder. Twenty-five minutes, forty minutes, of the struck towers, and the confusion on the street. The original, diegetic audio is the most striking difference between these videos and the real 9/11 that I remember and will Never Forget. Listening to the stifled pandemonium of people’s real-time reactions makes it impossible to “watch” 9/11 the way I’m accustomed to watching it, cinematically. It puts the televisual experience just a hair closer to the on-the-ground experience. Much that is left to the imagination in the official cut is no longer left to the imagination, some degree of televisual distance is collapsed, the emotional tone is several shades darker. EnhancedWTCVideos adds some of the reality back in to what most of us experienced, “for real,” as a televisual spectacle already edited and processed to fit between commercial breaks, delivering, using Baudrillard’s terms from The Spirit of Terrorism, the frisson of reality superadded to the image. But this dose of reality is not clarifying. Nothing is learned or revealed. 9/11 is so fascinating, and so perfectly postmodern, because it stubbornly confounds and elides representation. Even unedited video recordings of the event as it transpired somehow obscure it. 

#77
September 20, 2025
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Bodies in spaces

In the hopes of feeding my brain some more, to better think through something I’m trying to write about MAHA for a non-newsletter project, I started reading Klaus Theweleit’s Male Fantasies last night. More accurately, I read most of Barbara Ehrenreich’s forward to Vol. 1 (of 2). I didn’t even make it all the way through the introduction before realizing, with nausea rising in my throat, that I wasn’t going to be able to read the book, which promised to be unflinching and outright gory in its depictions of the Freikorpsmänner of interwar Germany and their exuberantly gruesome violence. Not right now, maybe not ever. It’s not a total loss of effort, though, because some of what Ehrenreich wrote in the forward is still useful.

The blurb on the cover of my edition is from her introduction. Her interpretation of Theweleit’s volume as a “theory of fascism” is that “the fascist is not doing ‘something else,’ but doing what he wants to do [emphasis mine]... He [Theweleit] forces us to acknowledge that these acts of fascist terror spring from irreducible human desire.” This is a bit of a welcome challenge to me. I’ve been working with some of Wilhelm Reich’s insights from The Mass Psychology of Fascism in an attempt to reconcile the overtly irrational parts of MAHA – why do people vote for, work for, and indeed desire political movements that are contrary to their best interests, or actively and obviously harmful to them? Reich’s answer to this, surveying the population-average German fascist, is that fascism offered people satisfying emotional resolution for the intractable and intolerable contradictions plaguing their real lives, political, economic, and psychological. 

So I appreciate the challenge to hold the possibility that this – even the misery and abjection of the MAHA movement, the vaccine-preventable deaths and miscarriages induced by raw milk, the humiliating gross-out extremity of the disgusting and venous Liver King and the influencers who film themselves blitzing raw chicken in a blender and drinking it – is indeed what these people actually want. I have no doubts about the sincerity of their beliefs, beliefs that, say, getting absolutely diabolical diarrhea or a high fever after consuming raw organ meat is actually a sign that one’s body is purging “toxins,” that vaccines are chock-full of these “toxins,” and so on. I understand that such beliefs are durable against even hard indicators of lived reality, like the finality of a toddler’s unnecessary death or a brush with hemolytic uremic syndrome. I think this durability has several headsprings, one of which is the rationalizing powers of the mind, another of which is the “distrust” that is so in the news these days – and the unfortunate reality that there are many countable instances where health officials and health professionals were, in fact, lying to their patients or the public out of venal self-interest. Once again, this is why I’m inclined to believe, as Reich did, that something about the persistence of these beliefs in the face of incontrovertible contrary evidence is down to the emotional resolution they offer for intolerable material conditions for which there is no effective political recourse. But of course, I should be keeping in mind that perhaps what these folks want is no more complicated than to drink sewage and let their children develop scarlet fever, that there’s no symbolic or “acting out” dimension, that this all is, like the Freikorpsmen’s violence, in fact the entire point. Let ‘em all eat shit and the strong will survive. 

But your average German fascist was not a Freikorpsman, and I’m not at all sure about the “irreducible human desire” for fascism or violence. This is straight out of Guattari’s “micropolitics of fascism” (Ehrenreich does indeed talk about Theweleit’s work in the terms of Deleuze and Guattari, the desiring production of violence), which I appreciate, but I’m just not sure there’s an irreducible human desire for anything.* To call the Freikorpsmen’s violence an irreducible desire is to transhistoricize it, as Guattari seems to (as always with him, it’s really hard for me to tell what it is that he’s actually trying to claim), and to make a quite strong case about human nature, as I think I’ve said before on this newsletter or elsewhere. It is to situate the force of explanation for organized political violence in this human nature, where I think it’s actually a good deal more malleable, and more in reciprocal relation with social structures. The central problematic for Ehrenreich reading Theweleit is how the hatred of women – also assumed to be primordial, deep-seated somewhere in human nature, rather than socially constructed and reinforced – gets alchemized into organized fascist violence. Does she really believe this? As she herself writes in the introduction, if you’ll indulge me in quoting at length:

#76
August 28, 2025
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Let it grow

Does anybody on the left care about political economy anymore? Two things I’ve been reading lately put the question in my mind. For one, I started Richard Beck’s great book Homeland: The War on Terror in American Life; as a consequence of Beck’s argument about the political-economic basis of the GWOT, I then started Piketty’s Capital in the 21st Century, a second- or third-hand copy of which has been languishing in the corner of a cobwebbed bookshelf in my office for some months now. Beck’s thesis is that stagnating global economic growth since the 1970s poses a lot of economic and political problems (to put it mildly), and that the GWOT was one way – though certainly not the only possible way – for the USA, as the global hegemon and steward of the international economy, to manage those problems. Piketty’s book focuses on the form and dynamics of capital in this same context of stagnating global economic growth. His general argument is that there are tendencies internal to capitalism that narrow inequality, like diffusion of skills and knowledge (forces of “convergence”) and tendencies that exacerbate it (forces of “divergence”). The most important force of divergence for Piketty is the “capital/income ratio,” the amount of privately held capital as a percentage of national income.* Crudely, when the rate of return exceeds the rate of growth, this balloons the capital/income ratio, which drives inequality. I juxtapose these two here just to emphasize the political economic mode of reasoning – there are deep structures and logic to capitalism, as a dynamic and complex global system, and these shape but do not fully determine the landscape of political realities and possibilities at any given time at all levels – international, national, and sub-national. 

Beck’s argument was so forceful because, being a Literate Leftist myself and consequently sequestered in the dumbest possible corners of the discourse, I have gotten so used to people talking about economic growth like it’s merely ideology. All you have to do, to be a serious leftist, is skim some of the rhetorical scum from the stock pot and run with it – to talk about growth as if it’s only considered the criterion of economics and economic performance because it serves the big bad capitalists’ interests and flatters the ideological priors to do so; to dismiss growth as one more ideological bogeyman used to instill the false consciousness that we must live in a capitalist economic system. There’s one major problem with this, though, which is that we actually do live in a capitalist economic system. Whether we should or not, and whether we like it or not, we are living in and dealing with capitalism, and growth is important to capitalism. (It’s right there, in fractal form, in the valorization imperative, M must become M’.) There is a hugely important material basis to what growth is, and its determining relationship to the dynamics of capital and labor, of who gets what and how much, to the texture of what everyday life will be like for the people on earth, to the conflicts that this generates, and to the geopolitics that arise to manage all of it. Growth is a deep determinant, and its tendencies derive from the deep internal structure and workings of capitalism as a world economic system.

But we don’t talk about any of this! Much less try to think concretely about what any of it might mean for the only question of any use and interest to a working class or leftist politics, which is: what does power look like, and how do we get some of it? This was visible during the recent lead-up to the passage of the OBBBA, the “opposition” to which was a lot of posting, a lot of Refusing and Challenging Logics, a lot of Visioning Alternative Futures, a lot of discourse, and very little by way of mass politics. Most of the people I know are leftists, and I can count on two fingers the people that are doing anything on the level of mass politics around health and health care. Piketty is right that something like a global progressive tax on capital, which would work to flatten out the corrosive inequality that is everywhere growing, is very unlikely to happen given the scale of international coordination it would require alone (not to mention the scale of unified opposition it would face). That is not a defeatist statement, it is valuable information informed by an intuition for the structure and dynamics of capitalism. Given that such a global action is vanishingly unlikely, what are prospects for national-level policies to redistribute some of the resources that are currently locked up in private capital? Or, even more ambitious but still within the realm of possibility, what are the prospects for national-level politics that will create more favorable conditions for a slate of policies and approaches to dealing with the capital/income ratio, or overhauling the health care system such that wealth redistributed into it is spent on actually caring for people? 

There are a variety of tactical approaches to take here. All I am suggesting is that we might think about it, and when I say think, I mean really think. I am deeply fucking burned out on any kind of political work or organizing, which I know is supposed to be no excuse in today’s leftist culture, but it’s the reality. I’ve also been reflecting, via the unintended consequences of my Covid “work,” on the high costs of misreading or misunderstanding the power coordinates of the moment. As Colin pointed out recently, talking about the opportunist lackeys staffing the health agencies (Jay Bhattacharya, Vinay Prasad, Marty Makary) – these people started out fringe, and gained their notoriety and national profile as posters, which is to say, in pitched and combative argument online with people like me and Colin, who were in general pretty misguided in thinking we could defeat by out-arguing. How much we realize we’re participating in creating the spectacle that drives the outrage cycle that the right (not the left, not so far, anyway) is able to alchemize into real political power – how much we realize what we’re doing probably varies from person to person, and from situation to situation, and of course hindsight is perfect, but I’m tired of it. To say the least. 

#75
August 27, 2025
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Entscheidungsprobleme

One of the boulders that I am most commonly pushing uphill in my statistical work for clinicians is the recognition that missing data can be meaningful, depending on how they arise. This a subroutine of a larger program, one in which I aim to impart some kind of coherent global understanding of What We’re Doing When We Do Statistical Inference. This global understanding involves much more than just the internal mechanics of statistical estimation (t-tests and regression coefficients); it involves thinking about data distributions, how they arise, and the patterns of missing within them. In short, it involves thinking a bit more like an epidemiologist, and the way I phrase it is always some variation of “it’s more of an art than a science!” in a fake-ass chirp that gets me, more often than not, a vacant Gen Z stare. 

The epidemiology jargon for the categories of missing data is murderously stupid and confusing (“missing completely at random,” “missing at random,” “missing not at random”) and so I completely avoid using it. It’s easier and more clarifying to talk about mechanisms of missingness. Most of the data we analyze is collected observationally, which is to say, without an investigator controlling the experimental conditions and assigning an experimental treatment to different subjects at random. Usually, we’re just passively collecting data on people as they do stuff, making note of important characteristics, like exposures they might have that we’re interested in, clinical outcomes, demographic and social characteristics, and so forth. It is often the case that some of these data are incomplete – missing. This could be for completely meaningless reasons, like somebody just forgot to enter something, or a random Excel error turned a couple of fields into unreadable nonsense. Or, it could be for reasons that are, as we say, “systematic,” related somehow to the characteristics of the populations under investigation. 

Not knowing why the pattern of missing data looks the way it does can introduce serious bias when, in Doing Statistical Inference, we’re using the tools of statistics to estimate the magnitude of association between an exposure and a clinical or health-related outcome we care about. Here’s an extremely basic example. Say we want to estimate the association between a certain type of exercise and a cardiovascular disease outcome. If participants in the study with worse cardiovascular problems or general health to begin with are unable to complete the exercise, their data for the exercise field will be missing, and – if the investigator is not careful – these folks with missing exercise data will be grouped, in the analysis, with the people who could have done the exercise, but didn’t. In this case, the estimated association between the exercise and the cardiovascular outcome will (likely – it depends) be understated. 

There’s a bit of a wrinkle here. The distinction between “missing at random” and “missing completely at random” in the epi jargon (ugh, it’s so horrible) has to do with whether you can use the information that you do have in the data set you’re using (what we call the observed variables) to generate a reasonable estimate of the probability of missingness. So in our example, if we had collected information about the severity of existing cardiovascular disease, we could use that to predict whether the exercise field would be missing for a given participant. If we hadn’t, then we’d be out of luck; the exercise data would be “missing not at random.” (Various strategies for dealing with this exist, which I won’t get into here.) Crucially, this little illustration raises some general issues about what you can tell about the mechanism of missingness from within the data itself, versus what you can infer about the mechanism by looking outside the data. Investigators I work with constantly want to do formal statistical tests that will give them a p-value to decide whether their data is missing completely at random, at random, and not at random, but I never promote or encourage these tests, because the closed system of a data set and the variability therein is not really all that informative as to why certain patterns of missingness are what they are. Sooner or later, you’re better off supplying some kind of outside-the-data explanation, even if it’s just educated conjecture.

#74
August 20, 2025
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What if your professor was a hotel?

I’m not ashamed to admit that I am an enthusiastic reader of the London Review of Books. (It’s one of the last refuges of real, thoughtful long-form writing in our ablated Anglophone cultural world, man!) Today I want to offer you an extended meditation on the mode of associational thinking that seems to be so commonplace today. By way of very limited example, I’m going to use two reviews that appeared months apart in two separate issues of the LRB. Please consider that these examples are meant to be illustrative, not exhaustive, and I encourage you to think about examples of associational thinking in your own lives.* In the January 23, 2025 issue, Susan Pedersen reviewed Tehila Sasson’s The Solidarity Economy: Non-profits and the making of neoliberalism after empire; framing the prevalence of the “the making of” titling convention in this type of academic book, she writes: “A reader scanning bookshop shelves understands that such titles are just a way of saying that a particular person, place, process or thing is more important than you thought, and you’d best buy the book to learn about it. Whether the link can bear much causal weight is another question.” Almost exactly five months later, in the May 22, 2025 edition, David Runciman reviewed Quinn Slobodian’s Hayek’s Bastards: The neoliberal roots of the populist right. Runciman’s description of the book as “overdetermined and undertheorized” reminded me of Pedersen’s criticism of Sasson’s. Hayek’s Bastards, according to Runciman, “... suppl[ies] a litany of links from then to now,” which “isn’t the same as making sense of it all.” He continues: “This kind of history feels very much of its moment. It is perhaps a little too easy these days to track the connections across an endless array of online sources, following each idea into whichever murky chamber it might lead… everything connects if you look long and hard enough, which means that mere connection isn’t enough to sustain the argument.” 

The appearance of these two observations, in two temporally distant reviews in the same publication, suggests that I’m not alone in noticing the intellectual work that we’re all trying to make a gossamer of associations do. Everywhere I look, I seem to see a cobweb of superficial connections holding up a bowling ball like “the making of neoliberalism after empire.” This seems to account for the millennial-graying of nonfiction writing, a pronounced drift towards a minimalist economy of style, a mid-market baseline of concepts and ideas in play, and the primacy of bullet-point “argument” in five or six one-sentence paragraphs, gray carpet and gray paint now permeating our psychic as well as our interior spaces – something readers will understand. Readers who increasingly can’t read, or think, in any way except the associational headline-consumption fashion corresponding to the doomscroll. Of course I have wondered, as so many have, what exactly in the incentive structure of the Platform Economy encourages this bare associative style of reasoning. I’m sure I could find some sophisticated examples of the associative mode of reasoning looking into exactly this question – did you know that the predecessors of today’s computing technologies were made by weirdos and creeps receiving military money? But I think it’s more interesting, taking a page from Frederic Jameson, to consider the predominance of a mode of reasoning or a mode of intellectual discourse in terms of what it represents in processual/dialectical terms. Let me explain. 

Jameson called postmodernism (I’m condensing a fantastically dense 500-page tome into its subtitle here) “the cultural logic of late capitalism.” He focused, obviously, on cultural and aesthetic production; for him, what puts the late in late capitalism is the integration of aesthetic production into commodity production. The postmodern condition is characterized by the loss of the individual modern subject and, consequently, the “increasing unavailability of personal style.” The aesthetic mode thus engendered is pastiche, the imitation of various idiosyncratic or unique personal styles (Jameson goes on a delightful digression about the William Hurt vehicle Body Heat (1981) as a sort of Southern gothic art deco pastiche) but without any of the motivation, or humor, of parody. Pastiche is a symptom of our collective struggle, on the level of culture, to “fashion representations of our own current experience.” Might we identify a homologous process in the realm of knowledge production, academic work, or popular writing of an intellectual bent? Is there such a thing as the… shall we say the epistemological orientation of late capitalism? My tentative thesis here is that indeed we might, and indeed there is; that we might consider the deadening prevalence of associational (or “machine-readable”) reasoning to be the same sort of postmodern logic at work in the epistemological sphere. We struggle to fashion representations of the totality of our real world not just through art, but through the privileged tools and techniques of science, too. I would know! Our intellectual pronouncements represent a struggle with the same kind of frustrating impossibility of representation as, say, the Westin Bonaventure. 

It seems fairly certain that there has been a pronounced loss of the subject in knowledge production. Last year I lectured in a friend’s class, borrowing heavily from Kurt Danziger, about the double loss of the subject in psychological research: both as a researcher, and as a research object. The transition from the inquiry into phenomenological mental states of individual patients to the statistical analysis of aggregated study populations permitted the effacement of both the subjective inner experience of the individual and the supposedly subjective biases of the researchers. Quantitative research of the predominant type is statistical, and therefore associational – statistical analysis only allows for inference of association (correlation is not causation). Qualitative research doesn’t escape, though; even qualitative data have to be systematized in some way, and systematization, in rendering qualitatively different objects uniform enough to be comparable, is a cousin of mathematization. Consider, for example, the commonplace qualitative research activity of assigning and coding free-form survey responses to specific themes. In these studies, whether formally quantitative or qualitative, the associative relation between systematized units is the only bearer and arbiter of meaning, at the expense of richer and more narrative causal explanation.

#73
August 5, 2025
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Where next, Columbus?

There’s a series on Public Books called “No Future” Lexicon, which the website explains was commissioned “to explore the question: can we reject the future?” The series caught my attention as I’m trying to meditate on the general theme of decline and decay for an inchoate writing assignment. One of the entries is about (“God Save The Queen” needle drop here) – punk! The entry on punk, by Annette Liebing and Matthew Worley, frames the question of rejecting the future vis-a-vis punk’s contradictions. Punk “envisaged both an end and a beginning.” It was “a reaction” that was, simultaneously, “something proactive.” The piece is ultimately a bit unsatisfying, like eating only one Ho-Ho in the package; it consists mostly of long quotations from a book about aging punks (called Punk, Ageing, and Time, though Being and Nothingness is catchier) that seems to be an ethnography of, well, aging punks, and how they’re reconciling their punk values of nonconformity and rejection with parenting and homeownership. (From Liebing and Worley’s piece: “To get older while tied to a punk identity is therefore complex.” You don’t say.) The authors conclude that “ultimately, No Future [the Sex Pistols song they use to frame the essay] doesn’t have to mean there is no future” and that “for their part, the anarchist band Crass always insisted that they saw Johnny Rotten’s use of that slogan not as an indictment but rather as a challenge.” Double-take. Crass?!

It may surprise you to know that I, of the laptop job and the STEM PhD, the neurotic obsession with housework and the fastidious habits of personal cleanliness, count myself among the biggest Crass-heads this side of the Atlantic. Where the Sex Pistols were the O-Town of punk bands, Crass were the feral crusties squatting in the forest. (Literally, members of Crass are the best-known residents of Dial House in Essex, certainly best-known to me as they’re the only residents I’ve ever heard of. There is a picture, living eternally online, featuring Penny Rimbaud naked and grinning upon a composting toilet out there.) It may not surprise you to know that my deep Crass fandom – legitimately, Penis Envy is in my top ten studio albums – has caught me endless ridicule and general shit from people within and without the “punk scene,” whatever that is. 

It’s easy to understand where the normie disdain comes from. Crass’s production is, uh, confrontational, even by punk’s anti-production production standards. The riffs have an atonal quality, the verbose and intensely didactic lyrics provide the only, and only occasional at that, anthemic potential of Crass’s songs, as in their arguably most famous song, “Do They Owe Us A Living?” (“‘Course they do, ‘course they do!”) Every song on The Feeding of the 5000 (“Do They Owe Us A Living?” is the second track) opens with a nearly-identical affected faux-martial drum pattern; every song has the same shrill, harsh guitar over Pete Wright’s rubbery bass. All this, plus extended meditations on “The System,” anarchist values, political subcultures in 1970s-1980s Britain, patriarchy, and imitations of Margaret Thatcher. They are, in a word, Political in a way that is easy to parody, ridicule, and dismiss.

#72
July 26, 2025
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Give your orgones to women

The crisis of male loneliness is very much in the news right now, for good reason; masculinity is certainly, to say the least, In Crisis. This is worthy of serious attention, but not from me. I’m going to focus instead on something that I think is kind of overlooked right now – what’s going on, exactly, with normie women? Women are a core demographic of the MAHA woo-woo right, many of them having abandoned long careers as Democratic voters to become fruit snack crusaders, vaccine skeptics, and general social menaces. There was a piece last month that a lot of people sent me, knowing where my interests in this stuff lie: “How New Age Women Turned Right,” by Sarah Jones. I was expecting some kind of explanation of how New Age women “turned” right, but with all due respect, the piece didn’t really deliver on that or much of anything else. It’s not exactly a book review, but most of the content summarizes one book about one very infamous New Age lady: Burning Eye Sees All, by Leah Sottile, about the late (excuse me, ascended) Amy Carlson a.k.a. Mother God and her cult, Love Has Won. Most of the insights in the piece are sourced from Sottile’s book; the one that was particularly interesting to me was Sottile’s contention that mysticism has historically been an avenue for women to transcend (heh) their restricted social status. (Including the 1970s-1980s New Age movement – Sottile points out that during these decades, women were still blocked from more mainstream spiritual authority.) Jones writes of Carlson: “she wanted authority, and a version of motherhood on her own terms, and it consumed her.” I think this is mostly right, and while the piece doesn’t explore this satisfactorily, I am going to excavate it like a commercial crystal mine for further insights. 

Last month, around when the piece came out, I was also reading through most of Wilhelm Reich’s The Mass Psychology of Fascism. His ignominious later career notwithstanding, I was really impressed by it (it came out in 1933, for Christ’s sake!), and felt like it illuminates something crucial about the MAHA moment that other analyses continue to miss (our well of collective intellectual resource getting shallower, I fear, amid the contentization and podcastification of thinking). Reich carefully synthesizes social-economic and political data about Weimar and post-Weimar Germany to make inferences about the “average personality structure” of German people at the time, the average personality structure that, he contends, made them ready and even eager to receive the contradictory rhetoric, false promises, violent fantasies, and emotional appeals of fascism. Though Reich was a psychologist, the book is not principally “idealist.” A great deal of work is devoted to demonstrating how the average personality structure is contingent on what leftists like to call “material reality,” economic conditions of work and life, social conditions at the particular historical moment, distribution of life chances, prospects for fulfillment of basic and spiritual needs, and so on. Reich focuses on sex and sexuality (feels Freudian to me, idk), contending that the industrial organization of life creates sexual frustration, in fact exploits and diverts sexual energy to make people to things like work in factories for most of their waking hours and live in nuclear families. I think this can easily be generalized to what we might call life energy, creativity, spirit, or whatever, without losing Reich’s drift. Fascism, in Reich’s analysis, is an outgrowth of this diversion and exploitation; fascism as “organized mysticism,” as he calls it (mysticism of, for example, the family, the mother within the family) offers people a sort of substitute emotional release for all their pent up and frustrated aspirations and vital energy. 

In this way, the average personality structure acts like a lurking variable that serves to explain political outcomes that are otherwise contradictory at, for example, the level of balance-sheet material determination that we’re so comfortable talking in. Why do people vote against their own interests – poor people for rich people’s interests? Why do people “fall for” deceptive rhetoric and false promises? Because, according to Reich, the organized mysticism of fascist ideology offers a way to process the unbearable contradictions of social and sexual life that occur and are felt at the level of the individual psyche. German fascism affirmed, on an emotional and mystical level, the very “authoritarian family structure” (Reich’s term) that had been shredded by Weimar economic crisis. The particulars are, of course, different for us today, but I think the psychological aspect is similar. Social repression and exploitation and mystification/exaltation of the mother within an authoritarian family structure… where have I heard this before? 

The family structure in the US is under tremendous strain from economic conditions, social conditions, the commodification and brutalization of sexuality and emotional life, the bite of neoliberal social and welfare policy coming into millenial maturity, even women’s putative “liberation” with the freeing of markets – now you’re free to work a shift for your boss and then a shift, unpaid, for your husband and kids! Now you’re free to subjugate yourself to the market to survive! Is this not what Reich would call “sexual misery,” the frustration and wastage of women’s life force and ambitions on a population scale? But just you try to point this out, as Chappell Roan recently did when she mentioned on a podcast episode that the moms she knows are miserable. Those miserable moms will be the first to lash out at you; in addition to the bulk of unpaid social and private labor, women also, through social media, take on the work of mystifying themselves and their lives. (I just saw a TikTok video of a woman asking her husband to take their kids to a birthday party because she was tired, they both laughed as the husband hedged and said he didn’t know if he “had it in him.” Fucking embarrassing.)

#71
May 29, 2025
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Sizzling with Drizzle, in this economy?

Long time, no talk. I’ll spare you the usual excuses and apologies and skip right to it. 

As I’m currently working with a friend on Something about data and datafication, I wanted to bang out a couple of quick thoughts here that aren’t totally germane to the main thrust of our thing. As an entry point, smooth as an ocean liner, I want to draw your attention to this amazing Financial Times Alphaville feature. This is not the “Lunch with the FT” feature where Roula Khalaf interviews the OpenAI CEO Sam Altman over pasta in his Napa home. Rather, this is the blog feature accompaniment to that piece, where someone named Bryce Elder (Bryce, if you’re reading this, I love you) reads Altman for absolute filth. To wit: Altman actually cooks with the “Drizzle” offering from the trendy Graza (gra-tha, if you’re insufferable like that, which I am) olive oil brand. You should never heat a finishing oil! The bottle Altman cooks with, Elder notes with appropriate outrage, is actually one of two open bottles in his kitchen. It’s perverse, unbelievably indulgent, like paneling the exterior of your Subaru beater in solid mahogany. Sam Altman also has an expensive espresso machine that functions poorly and is widely panned online, complete with an expensive and pointless add-on doohickey perched atop it. This doohickey is called, in all solemnity, a “puck sucker.” Altman wields a knife to prepare the lunch that vexes Elder to no end. It looks expensive, but it could be cheap; he wonders about where the center of gravity in the handle is – more towards the tip, as with a Japanese knife, or more towards the center, for the kinds of vegetable-chopping more common to European techniques? Impossible to say. The blade is curved, making it, I agree, a puzzling choice to use to chop garlic. (He made them pasta aglio e olio? Give me a fucking break!)

We care about Sam Altman because, as I said, he is the CEO of OpenAI. OpenAI is in, to put it mildly, trouble. Ed Zitron has called the company “a systemic risk to the tech industry” and it’s hard to see how he’s wrong. OpenAI is currently wrangling with Microsoft, its biggest corporate supporter, over the terms of a restructuring deal whose parameters I don’t quite understand but which I’m sure is certain to pointlessly burn even more money than the company has already wantonly torched. But I didn’t come here to eulogize the most money-losing company in the history of capitalism. I came here to talk about the basis of the AI, which is to say the tech industry, which is to say the stock market’s value, which is data. 

Back when I was most recently on Bluesky again (ugh), I got into an argument with somebody about how even the newest AI models don’t work – they are, in the words of Ed Zitron again, increasingly expensive and unsustainable “lossy bullshit.” (In machine learning jargon, “loss” is another word for “error.”) To support my original claim I maintained, correctly, that these models cannot really tell you what 2+2 is. My Bluesky interlocutor countered that the newer models are actually much improved over their older relatives, such that they can give answers to queries, queries like “what is 2 + 2,” to 99.999+% accuracy. Can I have a side of aglio e olio with that? You know what can give me the answer to “what is 2+2” with 100% accuracy, every time? A handheld calculator. And it doesn’t have to burn ten acres of rainforest to do it. “What is 2+2” is a simple question with a closed-form (shout out to me for the unexpectedly witty chosen name for my newsletter) arithmetic solution. If you perform the simple arithmetic operation known to initiates into the mathematical mysteries as “addition,” and perform it correctly, you will get the right answer, guaranteed. AI models like ChatGPT don’t work this way, though. An AI model answers a question like “what is 2+2” probabilistically, which means that it uses a bunch of unstructured data – let’s say, the text of every mathematics textbook it has pirated from JSTOR or wherever – to estimate the posterior probability distribution of the possible responses present in that training data set of mathematics textbooks (and whatever else, including the AI-generated slop that is beginning to creep over the face of the internet like kudzu – but this is a separate concern for now) to the question “what is 2+2.” To do this, it requires what we euphemistically call “computing power” – an awful lot of electricity and water. A very stupid and computationally intensive answer, one that is not even guaranteed to be right, to a very simple question. 

#70
May 12, 2025
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I.G.Y.

This one is a bit of a meander (first as shower thought, then as free-write, and finally as free newsletter post, the great ouroboros of intellectual work in 2025) but I haven’t written anything for awhile and so I figured – what the hell, let’s lose some subscribers today. There are a few reasons I haven’t written anything for public consumption in a minute, though the private scribblings continue at their typically feverish pace, don’t you worry. For one, I have been working on an article for an actual publication which should be out soon; I’ll let you know when it is. Mostly, though, it’s a constellation of related reasons, spelling out “DESPAIR” in astrological glyphs. The state of the world is absolutely terrifying right now, and neither I nor anyone else has much of value to say about it; public-facing writing about it all feels, in its current iteration, broken as it has been by the perverse incentives of publishing, all rather bad-faith and inauthentic.

But here I go anyway, powered by the  jitters, palpitations, and false courage attendant to downing a couple of cold brew coffee smoothies. (These, my latest obsession, are further eroding my ability to produce any writing for anyone to read, since the embrace caffeine as my One Last Vice is fucking up my sleep quality.) I started piecing together the thoughts I’m going to attempt to tessellate today in the shower (where else), listening to my friend Tim’s excellent appearance on the Chapo Trap House podcast for an episode about Medicaid and the imminent attacks on it. Tim has two qualities, rarely co-present in the same person – an understanding of the arcana of health policy and an empathetic facility with human suffering – that I quite honestly envy.  It’s a good discussion of the problems with US health care and the sheer cruelty of it, and I agree tremendously with the parts of the discussion pointing out how much human potential is wasted so that rents can be extracted from the rationing of care. I also agree tremendously with the ominous sense that the particular structure of health care contributes to general, population-scale increases in sickness, in stress, in mental illness, and in continued fraying of social cohesion. I share Tim’s and the hosts’ foreboding about the violence that is built in to the health care system working its way out as more, lateral violence, as people lashing the fuck out at themselves and each other because they just can’t fucking take the bullshit anymore. 

All of this is absolutely convincing on its face. I do think there is another, underappreciated dimension to it, though. It’s easy to believe that this stuff is all just an adjunct to the singular profit motive programmed into US health care, and for a long time, that was a reasonably sufficient belief. I think we also need to be really, especially scared about the synthesis of this routinely evil stuff with the strand of techno-fascist accelerationism that now has the entire country in a chokehold. (For a great reading of the two apparently contradictory strains in the contemporary right wing, may I recommend Erik Davis’s newsletter.) That stuff, the Musk and Thiel stuff, the proliferation of lossy, expensive, destructive “AI tools” that are being shoved into every aspect of human existence, is predicated on a basic belief about the expendability and uselessness of human beings in general. In this sense, the squelching of human potential, the extreme inefficiencies in health care “markets,” the increases in social suffering and social volatility are not only convincing arguments for abandoning this system and creating a new one – they are, in the technofascist program, extremely intended outcomes. They want to create a world where we have nothing to live for, and where we’re tearing each other apart from the stress and difficulty of it all, because they’re betting that this will create the conditions to further consolidate their power. They’re not wrecking the government in spite of the suffering and chaos it will cause, but rather because of that; it’s their gamble – a dangerous one, but the one they’re making – that smashing the state and precipitating general societal breakdown creates opportunities for them. 

As the world turns to shit, life grinds on, and I’ve been reading a little bit of the structural Marxist Nicos Poulantzas on the state. Frustrated as I am by asinine mutual aid discourse as, for example, the public infrastructure that sustains my one-time profession is being imploded (look a few paragraphs ahead for the Great Gutting of the CDC Show), I have been thinking that it’s seriously time for the left – any left worth being a part of right now – to reengage the role of the state. Much as it’s understandable to want to retreat from it, the state does structure the contours of popular power and political possibility. I am not going to try to summarize the little bit of State, Power, Socialism that I’ve read, except to pluck out one little line in his section on what he calls “authoritarian statism.” Authoritarian statism involves, among many other things, the “establishment of an entire institutional structure serving to prevent a rise in popular struggles.” What is interesting to me at this moment is how much this institutional structure is constituted as a negative space, through the destruction and hollowing out of already-embattled institutions of so-called civil society. On what passes for the American left, long dominated by NGO philanthropy, we’re dealing with the fallout of a sudden and total shift in “cost-benefit” calculus for the stupid little nonprofits that sustain the actual work. Poulantzas continues: “Probably for the first time in the history of democratic States, the present form not only contains scattered elements of totalitarianism, but crystallizes their organic disposition in a permanent structure running parallel to the official State.”

#69
April 1, 2025
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What I said at March for Science 2017

Lightly edited for clarity and relevance. The March for Science was organized here in Pittsburgh through the Pitt graduate student union organizing committee I was a member of, which explains a) why I spoke at it at all and b) the general bent of my remarks. (It’s also a bit more earnest than 2025-me feels super comfortable sharing, but whatever.) If I can get it together I am going to publish a more detailed critique of tomorrow’s action(s) tomorrow. In any case, enjoy.

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Today I want to use a common thing I hear when canvassing STEM grads as a starting point for a broader discussion about the moral responsibility of scientists. This goes something as follows: “well, I believe in what you all are doing, but I don’t want to pick a side, I just want to focus on my work.”

Kurt Vonnegut wrote a book called Cat’s Cradle that was published in 1963. In it, a brilliant but aloof scientist develops a technology called ice-nine, a seed crystal that freezes any water it comes into contact with. This fictional scientist, who developed the atom bomb and played cat’s cradle with a length of string as it was dropped on Hiroshima, developed ice-nine to help American soldiers avoid dealing with mud. His children sell the bits of ice-nine in their possession after his death and end up freezing all the water on earth, precipitating a global catastrophe and the extinction of all human life. That’s one example of divorcing your work from its context. Frankenstein is another. Frankenstein, as Vonnegut reminds us, is the name of the scientist.

#68
March 6, 2025
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(Not) seeing like a state

The polycrisis grinds  along. It’s my least favorite time of year, less so even than the pit of winter. We love it when it’s 60 degrees one day and 30 the next, my sinuses love it, my mood loves it, the hypersensitized nerve endings in my brain, barely recovered from last week’s Airborne Toxic Event, absolutely fucking love it. The constant howling wind isn’t driving us to a kind of quaint sepia-toned 19th-century madness at all. One more thing to be grimly and stiffly borne, although eventually this transitional period will resolve definitively into spring. The polycrisis will also resolve, but those futures are less clear and more terrifying.

I want to try to touch on a few recent developments to make a few kind of crackpot points that may, nevertheless, resonate, as if struck with a wooden spoon. The first is the indefinite shuttering of the PRAMS (Pregnancy Risk Assessment Monitoring System).  I was, and remain (spiritually if not in practice) a perinatal epidemiologist, so this one is obviously near and dear to my heart. Quite obviously, this is Bad, another evil omen on a horizon crowded with them lately. Reading about this where most people get their news – privately-owned social media platforms – that’s probably all you’ve heard about it. It’s shut down inevitably. It’s Bad. And thus it gets sort of buffed out in the white noise of the polycrisis. 

The way the US state organizes data collection, especially around pregnancy, labor, and delivery, is suboptimal. I have written about this before. I don’t think shutting PRAMS down is good, but I also don’t think that the state of data for pregnancy/maternal mortality was good before Elon’s goons lit the fuse on a cartoon bundle of TNT under the entire administrative state. The way the US does it actually makes some important aspects of maternal mortality very hard to see; other aspects that are more visible are still rather imprecise. In the absence of a coherent national monitoring system, we have to rely on health care encounters, billable outcomes, and what can be inferred (often rather obliquely) from death certificates or pieced together from sub-national bodies like state maternal mortality review committees. ProPublica recently published a great article, essentially an epidemiologic analysis, linking Texas’s state abortion ban to a marked increase in the rate of pregnancy-associated septic infection. According to the substantial companion “methods” document, they were able to do this by purchasing seven years of hospital discharge data. (They did a good job, but the extensive methodology is necessary because this is not a straightforward, or obviously a free, thing to do. I am considering writing a long post going through this analysis so if you are interested in that, let me know.)

PRAMS is part of this ecosystem. It is a survey (not a population registry) of live births (so no pregnancies ending in miscarriage, termination, or stillbirth are included). PRAMS collects critical information – in these times, one has to make sure to adequately genuflect before the data collection systems that do exist – but it’s more akin to one piece of an old puzzle missing a handful of tabs and blanks. This has been, understandably, rather overlooked in the breathless reporting on the chaos of Trump’s first month in office. A Talking Points Memo article from February 22 reported that PRAMS had been completely shuttered, indefinitely, accepting no new data after January 31 of this year. (The PRAMS page on the CDC website says that data collection for 2025 will begin in April, so I’m not sure what to make of that.) There was no official announcement of this, but according to the sources cited for the article, the CDC is informally telling partner institutions that the entirety of PRAMS is undergoing a new IRB (Institutional Review Board) review. In a follow-up article, the reporter (Josh Marshall) speculates that this new IRB review may be because the PRAMS questionnaire is being modified to comply with Trump’s executive orders, meaning that questions about race and racism, socieconomic status, gender and sexual orientation, and so forth (much of which was part of the entire raison d’être of PRAMS in the first place) are being axed for future versions of the questionnaire. 

#67
March 3, 2025
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Bird flu series #3

This will be another post about avian flu. I’m doing something I usually don’t do, which is working on this right after waking up. (Close your eyes and imagine the first sip of morning coffee hitting your blood-brain barrier.) (Considerable hours have now elapsed since the morning I wrote that.) I’ve been sitting on this too long, partially due to the general psychological block I’ve developed around writing and partially due to that block’s particular tendency to manifest as debilitating perfectionism. This ain’t a dissertation and considering the fucking slop people churn out daily I figure – it doesn’t have to be dissertation-quality. It just needs to be out there, because unfortunately, in today’s carnivorous world, when you’re not posting your take, someone else out there is. And theirs will be worse. 

 I have in the past heartily recommended Mike Davis’s 2005 book about avian flu, The Monster At Our Door. I still recommend it, it’s a great and highly informative read, and of course we all love Mike Davis, because he rocks. That being said, this post will be structured around a respectful critique of some aspects of the book. Not because I want to poke holes in his argument for the sake of it, and not because I think I’m so great or whatever, but because I feel like this is  an efficient way to communicate the extremely complicated content I want to impart. I’m essentially free-riding on the work Mike Davis already did to structure his book. There is one major axis along which I will critique The Monster At Our Door, which I started thinking about recently when I read an interview in The Sick Times with the great Colin Carlson. Colin cautioned against over-attributing the emergence of pandemics (or of novel pandemic-potential pathogens) to human agency. It’s important to remember (gentle reminder…) that the causal structure of something so complex is, well, complex. Humans are involved, of course, but not in straightforward ways that reduce to simple, more or less deterministic, Freakonomics-type beats. Humans are actors in a planetary ecosystem that we fundamentally do not and cannot control. As Colin says, “We all have this story in our heads of a remote community where people cut down forests and then mysteriously start getting sick.We get things wrong because of this narrative… A pandemic could just happen because we live on a biodiverse planet — we are constantly in contact with animals and pathogens.”

This is something that has bothered me about the Covid discourse for some time, and which I touched on in the first post of this series. This sort of causal over-attribution creates tidy narratives that drive engagement on online content platforms. That wouldn’t be as much of a problem if there were literally any sources of legitimate information left. Since there aren’t – as Colin points out – this tends to circumscribe better thinking about adaptation to and mitigation of pandemics that can, do, and will arise. Careful thinking about mitigation gets washed out in the white noise of outrage and anguish. This is what I meant in that first post that you can’t just back the truck up out of capitalism and be fine (contra the Bluesky guy who got insanely mad at me for saying that the United States of America, one country on the vast blue planet, having better “regulations” would likely not have been enough to stop H5N1 – this outbreak, which is not the first – cold). This attitude, and the attendant over-comparison of Covid and H5N1, is leading, among the internat chatterati at least, to a gloomy tone of dour inevitability about a possible H5N1 pandemic that I think is extremely fucked up. H5N1 is already a concrete, present issue that must be dealt with on a planetary scale; this present reality coexists alongside another truth, which is that the nightmare scenario most have in mind, H5N1 going human-to-human, is not inevitable. 

The really scary thing is that it is only partially under our control. And there are reasons to be freaked. It is a fucked up time in the US, to understate the problem, and we are not doing the kinds of flu responses that we should be. We’re not collecting the right kinds of data, studies are being suppressed, and so on. But there are farm workers in the country right now for whom H5N1 is not an abstract threat, and media studies professors on Bluesky who love to crow (eh?) about mutual aid could, in fact, be working on local organizing to get PPE to these workers instead of doomposting and engagement-mongering about it. I’ll list some things I think we can do, on an individual basis, to decrease the likelihood of a reassortment event, either at the end of this post or in a subsequent one if this post becomes too long (already looking like a possibility that it will be a separate post, after nearly 1000 words of throat-clearing here).

#66
February 21, 2025
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RFK Jr. and MAHA hegemony

RFK Jr.’s fuckups, idiocies, and crimes have been amply documented by others and still, like a catastrophe unfolding in slowed-down trauma time, we’ve watched his confirmation grind obstinately to what has seemed to be its inevitable conclusion. This feels like one more defeat in a long, long streak of losing battles for “science.” Crying foul over the offensively stupid and harmful shit he’s said and done, chronicling the troubling resonances (with, for example, 19th century eugenic race science) in his own statements and in the priorities of the broader MAHA movement, have come to nothing. Calling Senators to voice objections has proven to be the weak tea it has always tasted like. And now, the lightworkers will have their day. In a grotesque parallel to the administrative takeover of the federal payments system by 22 year old groypers, RFK Jr. is (if I had to guess) going use his authority to use the federal government to arrange a broad patronage network for supplements hawkers, reiki practitioners, illiterate homesteaders, and 5G psychos. Grim. 

The framework that we’ve mostly been using to understand what has been happening here – the strange alignments that put Meister Brain Worm in charge of Medicare and Medicaid, for Christ’s sake – has been something like a “crisis of misinformation,” characterized in terms of a fragmentary information ecosystem and mounting distrust of experts through the Covid pandemic. A recent (and helpful, as far as it goes) post from popular Substack Your Local Epidemiologist says about as much. They recommend: 1) “Recogniz(ing) that top-down information doesn’t work anymore,” 2) “Meet[ing] people where they are,” and 3) “Tell[ing more stories.” I don’t necessarily disagree with any of this. I do, however, think that this analysis locates responsibility for the crisis with people we don’t understand – antivaxxers, TikTokers, lightworkers –  and specifically inside their heads, somewhere in their information-processing cortex, where it’s inaccessible to political analysis. As such, I think that while the tone is appropriately serious, the post actually underestimates what is really happening here, and thus the scale of the problem we are facing. What’s really happening here, in my view, is a seismic process in the struggle to construct hegemony. I am suggesting that MAHA, and RFK Jr. as its figurehead, signal a serious and ongoing rearrangement of the power stakes of science.

When I say the power stakes of science, I am not talking about the administrative relations and the legal rules that govern how science is carried out in the USA. (Of course, this is important, it’s just not what I’m talking about right now.) To bring in Bruno Latour (I’m so, so sorry), science is a social activity that fabricates reality itself. This does not, as vulgar “social constructionism” would suggest, mean that everything is a social construct and thereby somehow fake or not real. It is meant to be an accurate description of what science is, as a process and as an attempt to make human understanding of the world, separate from the abstract construction of Science as an arbiter of objective reality. Latour wrote a 2004 book whose English title is The Politics of Nature that treats exactly this topic. I’m not going to attempt a comprehensive summary of it here (in true Continental fashion, a concise or clear summary is all but impossible), but I am going to pick up on some key themes and ideas from it because I think they help to illustrate one way of thinking about what’s happening with MAHA.

Latour essentially uses Plato’s Cave (Lord), through a lengthy and painstaking procedure, to allegorize what he calls a “bicameral” relationship between science and society. One of the houses, science (or Science, as distinct from “the sciences” as people actually practice them), is the domicile of objects, objective reality or ontology if you’re nasty, and “facts,” which are real and bear some ultimate truth but are silent. The other is where dwell subjects, the social world, “politics,” social constructions, and the sense people make of things (epistemology) – these can speak, but their contact with ultimate reality is mediated and compromised by the meddlesome presence of messy human subjectivity. The figure of the scientist can pass between these houses, endowed with the special power to make objective reality legible to the subject-world. This is heady as fuck, I know. I’m not going to go down the rabbit hole of arguing for the “truth” of Latour’s metaphor or his assertions. I just want to lay out the basic template of his thinking to help us to get thinking this way.

#65
February 14, 2025
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The bifurcation of the political, shitty version

Stuart Hall writes a lot about how Thatcherism is so successful because it manages to touch the real experience of people’s lives, and articulate something of that truth in a rightward direction, or maybe more precisely to articulate something of it as rightist ideology. Hall’s accounting of “authoritarian populism” feels especially, uh, relevant right now, but there’s something to this more tangible than the construction of historical categories. There is an emotive experience of everything that is “going on,” and that necessarily happens in a personal register. 

Or rather, maybe, there’s a weird double emotional register of events like what we’re living through right now. First, there’s the register of public performance. This is the register of the brave face, the sweeping statement, the performance of courage. It’s also the register of comparison and ranking. It’s where you have to rank your experience of your problem according to the miserly moral calculus of progressive discourse so often presented, dishonestly, as progressive values. I catch myself doing this all the time. I’ve caught myself doing it this week, in the middle of the abject panic about my future and my stability that is finally catching up to me. Of course my fear is nothing compared to the suffering of Gazans, or the terror inflicted on trans youth in our own country, and so on. I would never try to pretend that it is. However, it is there. It exists in the second register, the personal one, where catastrophe takes on a specific and personal shape. 

In my experience it is considered a progressive virtue to conduct our affective performances of politics entirely in the first register (the register of Posting). I do think this has drawbacks in and of itself, but I think it also has a secondary effect which is insidious and which few recognize. It ensures that personal catastrophes remain personal, never crossing the threshold into politicization. This is a particular problem for scientists, who struggle to politicize their experiences in the first place. (Don DeLillo in Libra: “The purpose of history is to crawl out of your own skin.”)

I think this helps to explain some of the intense ambivalence and psychic paralysis I’m feeling lately. I am terrified for my job (the threat of losing my job is very much experienced, by me, as personal catastrophe, in ways that I can’t/won’t go into) and at the same time I can’t believe that we’re really going to the fucking barricades for NIH indirects. But of course, we’re not going to the barricades at all, which furthers my indifference. Rather than a broad-spectrum assault on civil society, rather than an illegal attack that will fuck up thousands of people’s livelihoods, for no reason, at a single keystroke, scientists are articulating their opposition to this in terms of the particular merit of their own research. To put it bluntly: a lot of research is simply not good. Universities are not good. The system of funding is not good, it’s certainly not meritocratic, it’s a source of endless frustration and wasted time and administrative burden to everyone, it’s actually a principal reason I left academia (was this smart or dumb? I don’t know). 

#64
February 11, 2025
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