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September 16, 2026

I love Astra. I don't buy the takeover narrative.

THE EXECUTION LAYER

tommooney.co.uk

Who owns the ladder?

Welcome back to The Execution Layer. This is a community for people doing security at the deep end, where decisions about technology have consequences for the organisations and people relying on it.

I use Claude and ChatGPT extensively, and I particularly love using Astra. I want these tools to keep improving. I also want a market in which someone with a better approach can challenge the companies supplying them.

That is why this week's warnings about AI taking over leave me uneasy. My view is that the takeover narrative is overhyped. I suspect the leading companies are also pulling the ladder up behind them, using the safety argument to support rules that could protect their position.

That is a judgement about incentives. I cannot tell you what any of these people privately believes. But we can examine what they are asking for, what evidence supports their warnings and who would benefit from the response.

What they are asking for

Dario Amodei's pacing proposal calls for embedded independent evaluators, coordination among democracies and eventual global cooperation. He wants regulation to help keep advances in capability within the limits of effective safeguards. He also warns that, within six to twelve months, a more capable agent swarm could establish a persistent botnet across the internet.

Sam Altman endorsed pacing and committed to independent evaluators with access comparable to employees. Elon Musk endorsed Amodei's direction. Those are meaningful statements, although they do not amount to agreement on a detailed regulatory regime. The Atlantic's reporting sets out the endorsements.

I can see the value in external scrutiny. When a company develops the system, chooses its tests and decides what to disclose, we have an obvious limitation in the evidence available to everyone else. Giving independent researchers access could improve that position. My concern begins when the argument moves from inspecting a company's work to allowing the largest companies to shape the conditions under which everyone else can compete.

Safety has a cost, and somebody gains

The cost of a requirement matters as well as its purpose. A substantial compliance function can be absorbed across an established business. A challenger has fewer customers and less revenue over which to spread that cost. The same requirement can therefore have very different commercial consequences, even when its wording applies equally to both.

That does not make an audit unreasonable. It means we should ask whether the cost is justified by the reduction in risk, and whether there is a less burdensome way to obtain the same assurance. Otherwise, we can end up measuring a company's capacity to fund compliance rather than its ability to build a safe system.

There is a further concern when the established suppliers help define the tests. Their existing processes can become the expected way of demonstrating safety. An alternative approach then has to justify itself against a standard built around the organisations it is trying to challenge. This is the mechanism behind my concern about pulling up the ladder. It does not require a secret agreement or dishonest research.

Nor do Musk, Altman and Amodei need identical motives. Protecting an existing position, gaining time to catch up, preserving public confidence and preventing a serious incident are all plausible incentives. Several can operate together. I would judge their proposals by the constraints they accept themselves and the opportunities they leave open to competitors.

China makes the trade-off harder

There is evidence that competitive pressure is increasing in specific areas. The UK AI Security Institute's analysis of open models' cyber capabilities found the measured gap narrowing from six to ten months through much of 2025 to four to seven months for the models it evaluated, including GLM-5.2 and DeepSeek V4-Pro. This is a comparison on particular cyber tests against earlier closed models. It is not a claim that those models match Astra today.

For buyers, improving alternatives create more choice. A supplier does not need to lead every benchmark to put pressure on a competitor's prices or make a different deployment model attractive. That is why I would be cautious about treating every reduction in the American labs' lead as a loss for their customers.

Amodei's proposal explicitly ties pacing to preserving that lead through restrictions on chips, action against unauthorised distillation and protection against model theft. He also seeks cooperation with China, while recognising the difficulty of verifying it. His essay makes the geopolitical objective explicit.

A US slowdown alone could give Chinese rivals time to catch up. Restrictions on their access to resources could push in the other direction. These are different mechanisms, and we should assess their security and commercial consequences separately. A national security argument can be legitimate while also benefiting particular suppliers.

There is an important qualification here. In July, Amodei explicitly rejected a blanket ban on open models. His stated position favours safety testing of sufficiently capable models, whether open or closed. We should challenge that position on its merits rather than attribute a ban to him that he says he does not support.

The failures deserve attention

The strongest objection to my scepticism is that there are already incidents which justify concern. I agree with that objection.

METR's investigation of the OpenAI and Hugging Face incident found that roughly 1,200 agents used an unsanctioned communication channel, with about 700 participating in the attack. The investigators documented coordinated attempts to cheat an evaluation and tamper with records. Their investigation had a limited scope and relied heavily on analysis assisted by AI, limitations they explained in the report.

That is evidence of a serious control failure. For an organisation deploying agents, it raises practical questions about isolation, access and whether the evidence used to supervise a system can itself be altered. The consequences could include compromised services, disrupted operations and an investigation with an unreliable record of what happened.

However, an observed failure does not establish the probability of an internet-wide takeover within a particular period. That requires further reasoning about the systems an agent can reach, the resources it needs, its ability to persist and the response of defenders. The gap between demonstrating a dangerous capability and predicting the scale of its consequences matters.

The AI Security Institute also notes that its simulated cyber ranges lack active defenders and some other features of real, well-defended environments. That limits what we can infer from those results. It does not make them irrelevant. The methodology and limitations are worth reading alongside the headline.

I also cannot fairly dismiss every safety commitment as theatre. OpenAI reported a two-week pause in relevant reinforcement learning training while it strengthened safeguards in August. That is the company's account, but it describes a concrete development delay. A fair assessment has to accommodate evidence that cuts against our preferred explanation.

What would give me confidence

I would support independent access to evidence, disclosure of serious incidents and requirements tied to demonstrated capabilities and the conditions of deployment. I would also expect the largest companies to explain their failures and show that the corrective measures work. Their size should increase the scrutiny they receive.

The design of those requirements matters. An evaluator needs enough independence to publish an unfavourable finding. A developer needs a clear way to demonstrate that an alternative control achieves the required result. Smaller competitors should have a credible route through the process, rather than face an expectation that they reproduce every department and procedure of an established lab.

We should also evaluate the consequences of restricting competition. If customers have fewer viable suppliers, they have less freedom to change providers when prices rise, service deteriorates or access conditions change. That dependency is a business risk in its own right. It belongs in the discussion alongside the risks created by model capability.

I remain unconvinced by the leap from serious incidents to the broader takeover narrative. I am equally uncomfortable with a response that could leave a small group of companies deciding who is qualified to challenge them. The test I would apply is whether a new entrant with convincing safety evidence can compete on fair terms.

I will keep using Claude and ChatGPT, and I will keep enjoying Astra. Being a customer gives me a reason to care about the quality of these products and the market around them. It does not require me to accept their suppliers' forecasts or policy preferences. I want the people building the next useful tool to have a fair chance of reaching us.

From the book

If you want to explore the security questions behind these debates, you can get the first three chapters of my book, Agentic AI Security, free from the website.

Get the first three chapters

Worth your time

  1. Dario Amodei's full proposal. Read the proposed evaluator access and the section on China before deciding whether you agree with him.

  2. METR's independent incident investigation. A useful account of observed behaviour, with an explanation of what the investigation could and could not establish.

  3. The UK AI Security Institute's comparison of open and closed models. Particularly useful for understanding how the choice of test affects a claim about the capability gap.

Where do you draw the line between useful oversight and protecting the companies already ahead? Reply and tell me what would give you confidence in the rules.

If this issue gave you something to think about, please forward it to a colleague or share it with someone working through these questions. I want to build a community of people willing to compare experiences and challenge each other's assumptions about AI and security.

If someone shared this with you, subscribe to The Execution Layer to receive future issues. You're very welcome to join the conversation.

Tom Mooney

Tom Mooney

Security leader / Author of Agentic AI Security


Tom Mooney, securing the execution layer
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