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January 13, 2026

天學問答 - Argumentative Text Against Catholicism by Korean Scholar An Chŏngbok 安鼎福 (from 1790 AD) - Part 10

Finally this part has been completed. Excuses for the huge delay. Finally I can wish you a good 2026, that it may prove to be an okay year in the end!

Previous parts of the translation:

Part 1

Part 2

Part 3

Part 4

Part 5

Part 6

Part 7

Part 8

Part 9

或曰天主之稱或有見中國之書者乎

My interlocutor asked: “Would there be any instances in Chinese writings, where the term “Heavenly Lord” can be found?”

曰經傳不見但史記封禪書祀八神一曰天主祠天

[I] said: “It is not found in [our] most doctrinally essential and authoritative texts. Yet in the chapter [titled] Fēngchánshū of the Records of the Grand Historian1 [it is stated:] “[One] makes sacrifices to eight deities, the first [deity] called is the Heavenly Lord [upon which] offerings are presented to Heaven. (…)”

漢書霍去病傳元狩元年得休屠王祭天金人金日磾傳休屠作金人祭天主

“(…) [According to the] biographical section on [the Chinese general] Huò Qù-Bìng 霍去病,2 in the Book of Hàn 漢書,3 it so happened that in the first year of the imperial era Yuánshòu 元狩4 Prince Xiūtú 休屠王5 made offerings to the Heavenly Lord. According to the biography of [Xiōngnú 凶奴 heir] Jīn Mìdī 金日磾,6 [also found in the Book of Hàn], Xiūtú 休屠王 made men of gold [in order to] worship the Heavenly Lord. (…)”

天主之名見於此

“(…) These are the instances in which the name “Heavenly Lord” is found. (…)”

如淳註曰祭天以金人爲主師古註曰作金人以天神之像而祭之今之佛像是其遺法

“(…) The annotations of Rú Chún 如淳7 [to the Book of Hàn] state that [they] worshipped Heaven and regarded the golden men as supreme beings. [Yc8 remarked in his notes that [they] made the golden men as statues representing the celestial beings and worshipped them [as such]. [According to Rú Chún 如淳,] the current Buddha statues would be an unaltered continuation of this method [of worship]. (…)”

漢武故事曰昆耶殺休屠王來降得金人之神上置之甘泉宮金人者皆長丈餘其祭不用牛羊惟燒香禮拜上使依其國俗祀之

“(…) The Hàn Wǔ Stories 漢武故事9 stated that Hùnyé 昆耶10 slaid Prince Xiūtú 休屠王 and came [to the Chinese state of Hàn 漢] to surrender, [upon which] the deities in the form of men of gold were obtained. [It reports that they were] installed in the Gānquán Palace 甘泉宮11 and [allegedly] were more than one zhàng 丈12 tall. [According to the Hàn Wǔ Stories 漢武故事] their worship did not involve any offerings of bovines or goats, but only the burning of incense and making prostrations. Senior [foreign] envoys would offer them sacrifices in accordance with their national customs. (…)”

據此諸說顔註雖謂之今佛而以天神二字觀之與佛異矣

“(...) [Now let us] base ourselves on all these reports [on Prince Xiūtú’s men of gold]: although Yán Shī-Gǔ 顔師古 referred to them in his notes [on the Book of Hàn] as [representations] of the contemporary Buddha, if you consider the two-word expression “celestial deity,”13 then [we are] most probably [dealing with] something different from Buddha! (…)”

疑以金作天主而祭之如今爲此學者爲天主畫像而禮拜之此古今之變也

“(…) It seems that making [statues of] the celestial lord out of gold and worshipping them [which was done at the period of Prince Xiūtú 休屠王 and the Hàn 漢 Dynasty] is [much] like this teaching [we] are currently dealing with.14 [The adherents of this teaching] make paintings and statues of the Heavenly Lord and prostrate themselves before them. This is [some] change from antiquity to modernity!15 (…)”

凶奴右賢王西通西域疑得其敎而祭之也

“(…) The Xiōngnú 匈奴 royal [known as] the Yòuxián Wáng 右賢王16 went westward to the Western Territories. [I] suspect that he got their teaching and [decided] to worship [in accordance with it]. (…)”

又其書眞道自證曰耶蘇之生聖母抱之往聖殿獻於天主臺前云

“(…) The Zhēndào Zìzhèng 眞道自證17 states that when Jesus had been born, the Holy Mother took Him in her arms and brought Him to the Holy Temple, [where] she presented Him before the Heavenly Lord’s altar. (…)”

則天主之名已在於漢哀之前而非耶蘇爲天主也可知

“(…) Therefore the appellation of “Heavenly Lord” already existed even before the time of Hàn 漢 Emperor Āi 哀,18 and we [thus] can conclude that it is not Jesus who is the Heavenly Lord.”

或曰列子商太宰問孔子以聖曰丘其聖歟答曰吾何敢又問三皇五帝三王皆曰聖則吾不知商曰然則孰爲聖曰西方有聖者不治而不亂不言而自信不化而自行蕩蕩乎民無能名焉爲佛者以爲指佛而言然以今觀之似指天主而言也

My conversation partner said: “[I am quoting] Lièzǐ 列子:19

The Chief Administrator of the state of Shāng 商20 quizzed Confucius about holiness. [He] asked [him:] “Are you, Confucius, holy?” [Confucius] answered: “How could I venture [to answer that question]?” [The Chief Administrator of Shāng 商] then asked [whether] the Three Sovereigns, Five Emperors, and Three Kings21 [were holy], and with respect of all of them [Confucius] replied he would not know. [Thereupon] the Chief Administrator of] Shāng 商 asked: “Then who, if any, is [without doubt] a holy one?” [Confucius] answered: “There is a holy man in the West. He does not govern, yet he does not revolt [either], he does not speak, yet is confident of himself, he does not change, yet properly conducts of his own volition. [He] is so magnificent! The people could not possibly find a name for it.”

(…)”

“(…) Had [the speaker] been a Buddhist, he would have been referring to the Buddha in [his] answer [here].22 If you consider it from a current viewpoint, however, [the speaker, Confucius,] actually appears to be referring to the Heavenly Lord in [his] response!”

曰列子荒唐之文何足取信孔子稱堯曰蕩蕩乎民無能名焉與西方之聖同而謂五帝非聖豈其然乎

[I] responded: “The Lièzǐ 列子 is a text [full] of wild bluster. How could it be taken as a trustworthy source? Confucius said of the [legendary Emperor] Yáo 堯 that he was so magnificent, the people could not possibly find a name for it.23 How could it [then] possibly be that [Confucius] would consider [Yáo 堯] equal [in magnificence] to [some] holiness and [at the same time] suggest that the [legendary] Five Emperors might not be holy men?!”24

或曰今聞爲其學者以敎師爲代父(天主爲大父故代天而施敎謂之代父)設天主位學者以三尺凈布掛項以手洗頂瑪 竇所謂聖水所以洗心垢者也又明燭學者俯伏盡說從前過咎以致悔悟之志又陳八敎以後不復犯過之意而又定別號云此意如何

My interlocutor said: “I have recently heard, with regard to their learning,25 that [their] doctrinal teachers are regarded as substitute [spiritual] fathers (author’s note: The Heavenly Lord serves as the Great Father, therefore [someone] acting on behalf of the divine and spreading the [Catholic] teaching are called substitute fathers). [After they have] established a place of the Heavenly Lord,26 the pupils put on immaculate cloths of three feet [in length] around [their] necks.27 They wash [their] foreheads by hand, and it is what Matteo [Ricci] calls “holy water” with which they cleanse the impurities of the heart. The pupils, out in the open and plain for all to see, fully recount, with their heads lowered and their upper bodies bent over, the transgressions they have committed in their entire lifetimes, so as to attain sincere contrition. They then vow adherence to eight instructions28 with the purpose of not [ever] repeating the [same] offences [again]. And then they decide on their names by they shall be known as scholars,29 so I have heard. What to make of all this?”

曰此專是佛氏羕子也佛氏有法師律師燃臂懺悔灌頂之節此何異焉

[I] replied: “These are solely mannerisms [similar] of the Buddhists. The Buddhists have rites [such as] burning the forearm,30 confession of sins31 and the sprinkling of water on monks’ heads to seal the initiation into additional Buddhist teachings32 conducted by Dharma and Vinaya teachers. How are these [Buddhist] rituals any different from those [that you mentioned]? (…)”

是以吾以爲其俗爲之非吾中國習聖人之敎者所可行也

“(…) For this reason, we find them [simply] vulgar ways. Engaging in them would not be behaviour which our trusted holy men33 of [ancient] China would have condoned!”

或曰利瑪竇言魂有三生魂覺魂靈魂草木之魂有生無覺無靈禽獸之魂有生有覺無靈人之魂有生有覺有靈生覺二魂從質而出所依者盡則生覺俱盡靈魂非出於質雖人死而不滅自在也此說何如

My conversation partner said: “Matteo Ricci maintains that there are three kinds of soul, namely the vegetative soul, the sentient soul, and the rational soul. Plants and trees have the vegetative soul,34 [but] neither the sentient soul nor the rational soul. Animals possess both the vegetative soul and the sentient soul,35 but not the of rational soul. People possess all three kinds: the vegetative soul, the sentient soul, and the rational soul.36 Two types of soul, [namely] the vegetative soul and the sentient soul, emanate from physical existence: If any being upon which [these two types of soul] depend expires, then [that being’s] vegetative soul and sentient soul completely expire [with it]. The rational soul, [however,] is not what stems from physical existence: Even though a person dies, [it] does not perish, [but] remains extant [by] itself. What to think of this idea?”

曰吾中國亦有之荀子曰水火有氣而無生草木有生而無知禽獸有知而無義人有氣有生有知有義故最爲天下貴也此語眞西山表出於性理大全

[I] responded: “Our [scholars from] China also dealt with it. The Xúnzǐ 荀子37 states that

Water and fire possess physical qì energy, yet it has no life. Plants and trees have life, yet no sentience. Animals have sentience, yet no conscience. People have physical qì energy, life, sentience and conscience, and therefore are the noblest [beings] in the world.

[A later, authoritative scholar,] Zhēn Xī-Shān 眞西山38 expresses this statement [originally made by Master Xún] approvingly in the collection Xìnglǐ Dàquán 性理大全. (…)”39

中西士之言與此大同而但靈魂不死之言與釋氏無異吾儒之所不道也

“(…) [Thus,] what the Chinese and Western scholars say [on this topic] is in great part the same, the [Western scholars’] position on the immortality of the rational soul, however, [which is] no different from the Buddhists’ [opinion on the matter], is something that our orthodox scholars consider [downright] incorrect!”

1

The Chinese title of this work is Shǐjì 史記, whose compilation was completed by the Hàn 漢 Dynasty historian Sīmǎ Qiān 司馬遷 (ca. 145 - ca. 86 BC). The chapter in question, Fēngchánshū 封禪書, deal with Chinese imperial rituals known as fēng 封 and chán 禪, which were conducted at Mount Tài (泰山 Tàishān).

2

Huò Qù-Bìng 霍去病 (140 - ca. 117 BC) was a Chinese general aligned with the Hàn 漢 Dynasty who led a campaign into the Gobi Desert against the nomadic confederation known as the Xiōngnú 匈奴. A biography is included in the Book of Hàn 漢書 (Hànshū).

3

The Book of Hàn 漢書 (Hànshū) is a history of the Former Hàn 漢 Dynasty (前漢 Qiánhàn), the compilation of which was finished in 111 CE. Bān Gù 班固 (32 - 92 AD), an Eastern Hàn politician, is regarded as its main author.

4

Yuánshòu 元狩 is the fourth imperial era of Emperor Wǔ 武 (156 - 87 BC, r. 141 - 87 BC), seventh emperor of the Hàn 漢 Dynasty (more acurately, the Western Hàn 西漢 Xīhàn, or the Former Hàn 前漢 Qiánhàn). The first year of Yuánshòu 元狩 would be roughly equal to 122 BC.

5

Prince Xiūtú 休屠王 Xiūtú Wáng, a ruler allied with, or subservient to, the Xiōngnú 匈奴. As such, he was hostile to the Chinese Hàn 漢 empire, and in his military campaign of Huò Qù-Bìng 霍去病 was pitted against him (among other local potentates, perhaps). Normally 王 wáng would be translated as “king,” but since the Xiōngnú 匈奴 have a ruler that was considered superior to the position held by Xiūtú, we opted for “prince.”

6

Jīn Mìdī 金日磾 (134 - 86 BC), was the heir to Prince Xiūtú 休屠王 in the Xiōngnú 匈奴 constellation. He was captured by the Chinese general Huò Qù-Bìng 霍去病 during the aforementioned campaign, in which Prince Xiūtú 休屠王 was killed.

7

Rú Chún 如淳 was a scholar affiliated with the state of Cáo Wèi 曹魏 (220 AD - 266) during the Three Kingdoms Period. He left annotations to the Book of Hàn.

8

Yán Shī-Gǔ 顔師古 (581 - 645) was a prominent author and scholar who was active during the Suí 隋 and 唐 Táng Dynasties. One of the works that he managed to complete in his lifetime was an authoritative collection to annotations to the Book of Hàn.

9

The Hàn Wǔ Stories, or Hàn Wǔ Gùshì 漢武故事, is a collection of stories, which was traditionally attributed to Bān Gù 班固 (32 - 92 AD), the same figure who is considered the main compiler of the Book of Hàn 漢書. Contemporary scholarship, however, maintains that the Hàn Wǔ Stories were authored at the time of the Three Kingdoms (220 - 280 AD).

10

Hùnyé 昆耶 was a Xiōngnú 匈奴 nobleman who, apparently, decided to turn on his ally or kinsman, Prince Xiūtú 休屠王, and decided to surrender to the Chinese military led by the aforementioned general Huò Qù-Bìng 霍去病.

11

The Gānquán Palace, or the Gānquán Gōng 甘泉宮, is a palace that belonged to the Chinese Hàn 漢 empire. Thus the “men of gold” worshipped by the Xiōngnú 匈奴 were transported and placed within that palace.

12

Zhàng 丈 is a measure of length, one zhàng 丈 would be a little over 3 metres.

13

“Celestial deity” is the translation of the term in Chinese, which is 天神. Note that it is similar to the term “Heavenly Lord,” which is 天主.

14

“This teaching we are currently dealing with” here refers to the Heavenly Teaching, i.e. Roman Catholicism.

15

This remark must be considered at least slightly sarcastic. The point is that the current “barbarians” carry out rites that are very similar to those performed by “barbarians” many centuries ago.

16

The Yòuxián Wáng 右賢王, literally the “Wise Prince of the Right” (here we translate 王 Wáng as “Prince” rather than as “King,” given that there is a higher position above it, which we shall name in this very footnote), also known as the 右屠耆王 Yòutúqí Wáng, was a royal title in the confederation of the Xiōngnú 匈奴. A very similar title was called Zuǒxián Wáng 左賢王, meaning the “Wise Prince of the Left,” AKA 左屠耆王 Zuǒtúqí Wáng. The holders of both titles would have been, hierarchically speaking, right underneath the supreme ruler of the Xiōngnú 匈奴, whose title was called Chányú 單于, or Shànyú 善于. It appears likely that the author here refers to a text in which such a westward journey by the “Wise Prince of the Right” was reported, but I am unaware of the existence of such a source.

17

The Zhēndào Zìzhèng 眞道自證 is a Chinese writing authored by a Jesuit in the early 18th century, see footnote 2 in Part 7 of this ongoing translation.

18

Previously the author already established that Jesus’ life on Earth more or less coincided with Emperor Āi’s rule. (See note 10 in Part 7 of this ongoing translation)

19

Lièzǐ 列子 is a work thought to be written sometime in the 5th century BC. Its author would be Liè Yǔkòu 列圄寇, who would be respectively addressed as “Master Liè,” i.e. Lièzǐ 列子. This text is generally considered Daoist of nature. It certainly is not considered a work that merits a lot of consideration among orthodox scholars of the (Neo-)Confucian kind!

20

Shāng 商 here does not refer to the first archaeologically attested state in present-day China, but rather a minor state that existed from the 11th century BC to the late 3rd century BC. Its more usual name would be 宋 Sòng, a name that it shares with a Chinese Dynasty which was established in the later half of the 10th century AD. Suffice it to say that the state in question should not confused with that later dynasty, either!

21

For the “Three Sovereigns, Five Emperors” part (三皇五帝) see this article on Wikipedia. The “Three Kings” (三王) mentioned would be founders of the Xià 夏 (the first dynasty in Chinese histiography), 商 Shāng (the dynasty after the period when Xià 夏 supposedly existed, known for its oracle bones, a different political entity than the Shāng 商 referred to in footnote 20), and Zhōu 周 (the dynasty usually considered the successor state of the aforementioned Shāng 商, generally considered the summit of good governance in (Neo-)Confucian historiography and ideology.

22

The speaker in question, Confucius, is certainly not a Buddhist, and therefore this part is to be translated into the irrealis mood!

23

This quotation can indeed be found in Confucius’ Analects, or Lúnyǔ 論語. The very same quotation was mentioned by the author’s interlocutor as an expression of praise by the same Confucius afforded to another “holy man,” namely an unnamed “holy man in the West,” found in the Lièzǐ 列子. Therefore, if Confucius indeed said this of the “holy man in the West,” he would consider this “holy man in the West” as holy as Emperor Yáo 堯.

24

Obviously, the author here argues that there is an inherent contradiction between the fragment of the Lúnyǔ 論語, which was (and is) readily accepted as a Confucian source, as quoted by the author, and the part of Lièzǐ 列子 previously quoted by his conversation partner: Emperor Yáo 堯 is one of the Five Emperors 五帝.

25

“Their learning” 其學 here refers to the Heavenly Learning, i.e. Roman Catholicism.

26

“Placing the place of the Heavenly Lord” 設天主位 may mean, in my opinion, the founding of a church, or a community of Catholic believers, which brings forth new (candidate) clergymen, or “students” or “pupils,” which, I believe, are meant by the two characters 學者, which follow this expression.

27

I wonder if this garment would be some kind of short scapula used in one or some particular ordination rites?

28

I have decided to interpret 陳八敎 as “to vow adherence to eight instructions,” since that would make sense in the context of initiation or ordination (since these acts are compared with Buddhist ordination rites later on, I believe that we are dealing with some sort of Catholic or Jesuit ordination here). 陳 often has the meaning of “to display,” “to promote,” or “to put forth,” which would come closest to the meaning of “vowing adherence” (I admit that my translation may be shot in the dark, but I cannot see it make sense any other way). I do not know what 八敎, or “eight instructions,” would entail. If anyone familiar with Catholic teaching or Jesuit ordination rituals could shed light on the meaning of the “eight instructions/doctrines/teachings” 八敎 I would be eager to know!

29

Being inducted into the Jesuit order, or completing the Jesuit formation, seems not to be accompanied with adopting a new “scholarly” name, but perhaps the Jesuits in China did so, since it would resonate well with the local intellectual and literary circles, in which adopting a pen name would be a natural thing to do?

30

燃臂 ránbì, Korean yŏnbi, literally means “burning the forearm.” It refers to a Buddhist ordination ritual in which newly inducted monks have their forearms touched by a burning incense stick to leave a permanent mark.

31

懺悔 chànhuǐ, Korean ch'amhoe, means “confession of sins.” I suppose this would not be a ritual in which only Buddhist monks and nuns would participate, unlike the other two named here, namely “burning the forearm” and “ritual washing.”

32

灌頂 guàndǐng, Korean gwanjŏng, “sprinkling of the head,” is the ritual application of water by a Buddhist master to his disciple’s head to indicate, or formalize, the latter’s advancement in Buddhist knowledge. Having searched this term on the internet, this ritual seems to be particularly popular (if not only used) within the esoteric kind(s) of Buddhism.

33

聖人 in a (Neo-)Confucian context would more often be translated as “sage(s),” rather than “saint(s).” Since the Confucian “sages” here are contrasted with 聖人 in two major religions, I have decided to opt for the translation “holy men” (“sages” are without exception male in the “orthodox” (Neo-)Confucian tradition).

34

The Latin term denoting what is translated here as “the vegetative soul” is anima vegetabilis.

35

The Latin term denoting what is translated here as “the sentient soul” is anima animalis.

36

The Latin term denoting what is translated here as “the rational soul” is anima rationalis.

37

A work by Confucian scholar 荀況 Xún Kuàng, or Master Xún 荀子 (i.e. Xúnzǐ) written in the 3rd century BC. Although the Xúnzǐ 荀子 is not usually particularly valued among Neo-Confucianists, due to its controversial descriptions of human nature, the author of this text agrees with the part quoted here.

38

Zhēn Xī-Shān 眞西山, actually Zhēn Dé-Xiù 眞德秀 (1178 - 1235, Xī-Shān 西山 being his pen name). Chinese philosopher and politician during the Southern Song 南宋 Nán Sòng Dynasty. Apparently, this philosopher was considered authoritative by the Neo-Confucian author of this “dialogue,” and therefore found Xī-Shān 西山’s approval of a statement by Master Xún 荀子, who himself was regarded as a questionable source, to be a strong validation thereof.

39

Xìnglǐ Dàquán 性理大全 or the Xìnglǐ Dàquán Shū 性理大全書 (which could be translated as “The Great Collection of Works on Human Nature and the Universal Principle”) is a comprehensive collection of Neo-Confucian treatises written in the Southern Song (南宋 Nán Sòng). The collection itself was completed during the reign of the Yǒnglè 永樂 Emperor of the Míng 明 Dynasty (his reign lasted from 1402 - 1424).

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